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Jim Crow 2.0 ~ America And the White Racial Caste System

Jim Crow 2.0 ~ America And the White Racial Caste System

Jim Crow 2.0 ~ America And the White Racial Caste System Debunking the Conservative Myth that Institutional Racism is Dead in America

by Rick Wallace, Ph.D., Psy.D. | Courtesy of Odyssey Media and Publishing
Jim Crow 2.0 ~ America And the White Racial Caste System

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Jim Crow 2.0 ~ America And the White Racial Caste System challenges the notion that racism is dead in the United States. Dr. Thomas Sowell consistently marginalizes the impact of racism in America through the use of facts studied outside the parameters of proper context. Dr. Sowell is not the only conservative mouthpiece who has become quite adept at doing this. Candace Owens is an eloquent and fluid speaker who often quotes facts out of context to make invalid points. While I can give no pass to either, I take a substantial issue with Dr. Sowell because he has been adequately trained in the world of scholarship and should understand the importance of proper context and the importance of avoiding biases within one’s research.

To wholeheartedly accept the theories and concepts presented by Dr. Sowell, one must completely dismiss the comprehensive compilation of empirical data recorded and compiled by great minds like Dr. Tommy Curry, Dr. T. Hassan Johnson, Dr. Na’im Akbar, Dr. Amos Wilson, Dr. Joy DeGruy, Dr. Howard Stevenson, Dr. Francis Cress Welsing, Dr. Claud Anderson, Dr. Umar Johnson, Dr. Boyce Watkins, just to name a few.

Furthermore, one must be willing to ignore academic disruptions that young African American Black males face, such as The Disproportionality of Special Education Referrals in grade school.

In his book, Economic Facts and Fallacies, Dr. Sowell goes to great lengths to suggest that there are no institutional mechanisms in place nor any intentional machinations at play to support the notion that we are operating in a racial caste system in the United States. When you look beyond his anecdotal observation through the lens of ecumenical analysis, there is much to be discussed. Because there are so many areas (at least nine) in which racism can be easily observed, I will attempt to focus on just one to provide a diametric perspective to that of Dr. Sowell.

Disclaimer: It is imperative to understand that while I am presented an opposing theory to that of Dr. Sowell, I am not suggesting that he does not make valid points in the presentation of his theories, only that his ultimate conclusion that racism administered through an institutionalized racial caste system does not exist.

What makes Dr. Sowell so dangerous is that his arguments are highly logical; however, they lack the comprehensive discovery and anatomization that he speaks of so frequently. There are many ideas and concepts on which I agree with Dr. Sowell, at least in part. One point he makes is that the ambiguity of words and catchphrases often lead to the push for unwarranted policies. What must also be understood within this concept is that the presence of fallacious ideas and policies does not alleviate the reality that initiated their existence. Because something does not work does not eliminate the reason for which it was created in the first place.

To simplify the proposition I am presenting, I will focus predominantly on just one — the wealth-building mechanism of homeownership — precisely how property taxes are assessed at a higher rate for Blacks.

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Widespread Overtaxation of Black Homeowners

A new analysis (Howard, 2020) of how property taxes are assessed revealed that in a state-by-state, neighborhood by neighborhood observation, Black families are taxed at a rate 13 percent higher than Whites each year based on the same situation. Black-owned homes are consistently assesssed higher values in relationships to actual size, sales prices, and location in relationship to White-owned homes.

This new data is not news to most African American homeowners who have been complaining about the disproportionality. To validate the claims of discriminatory practice that causes Blacks to pay taxes at a rate 13 percent higher than Whites for comparable properties, researchers analyzed more than one decade of tax assessments and sales data for 118 million homes throughout the country (Dam, 2020).

The practice is so pervasive that it can be observed in almost every state in the nation. Consistently, areas where there are more Blacks and Hispanics were charged higher property taxes than Whites with comparable homes. It is also worth noting that at the same time, the opposite is true when it comes to the valuation of homes for the purpose of resale or refinancing (Perry, Rothwell, & Harshbarger, 2018). Black homes are systematically devalued when it comes to resale value ~ further exacerbating the struggle to build generational wealth.

The most recent study reveals that it is not just differences in the building and land but racial composition of the neighbor that impacts the tax assessment.

Charles, a 60-year-old contractor in Chicago, has always considered that in addition to regular taxes, there was an additional Black tax levied against people of color. Charles also spoke on the elevated personal and professional risks faced by Black men in the country as a reason for not being more candid and revealing his last name.

Eighteen years ago, high taxes drove Charles and his family from his longtime home in a Black neighborhood. He ended up buying a home in a White neighborhood in Northwest Indiana, where is property taxes were considerably lower than in Chicago.

Emory University law professor, Dorothy Brown, researches racism in tax policy but was not involved in this particular study. Professor Brown admits that she sees the same effect in her research. “The structure of the property tax system operates to disadvantage Black Americans,” she said. “That is how structural racism is. It’s built into the system. The property tax system itself discriminates against Black Americans.

Black homeownership has hovered around the 41 percent mark for more than 50 years. Many speculate that the inequities in tax assessment are among many other factors that negatively impact Black homeownership in America.

Based on a wealth of pragmatic and empirical evidence, Blacks have face accumulated disadvantages associated with centuries of systemic racism and repression. These disadvantages mean that Blacks are likely to earn less than white workers in similar low-paying jobs — a social dynamic that makes it more challenging to buy a home. In the current state of affairs, these same low-paying jobs have been hit hardest by the COVID-19 pandemic — making an already bad situation worse. One in five Black homeowners have reported missing at least one mortgage payment since mid-March, compared to 1 in 20 White homeowners.

It was a common practice during the Jim Crow era for local tax officials to negatively manipulate tax assessments for property for the purpose of overburdening and punishing Black homeowners, while providing a hidden tax break to White landowning gentry, according to University of Virginia historian Andrew Kahrl.

Kahrl, who has long researched the history of property tax discrimination against Black Americans, reports that there is valid evidence of White officials going to extreme lengths to raise property taxes for Black landowners.

There is literally a recorded case in 1932 in which a Black homeowner was taxed for the value of two stray dogs that seen wandering on her property.

In his efforts to correct the broken narrative of White people being “makers” and Blacks being “takers,” W.E.B. Du Bois often pointed to the inequity in tax burdens being levied on the backs of Blacks. There narrative of Blacks taking services while not paying taxes is still alive and commonly quoted, but the practices of hiking Blacks taxes create cause for reconsideration. However, the manner in which taxes are being disproportionately raised is becoming increasingly subtle.

One social dynamic that hurts the growth of property value for Blacks is the fact that most Whites avoid predominantly Black communities — reducing the number of buyers available to Black sellers. A lack of buyers will tend to drive down prices of Black-owned homes. Every year, Black families pay more in property taxes despite the fact that the sales price of their homes is not increasing as quickly. Nearby White communities benefit from a diametrically opposing trend, where the value of their homes increases at a more rapid pace than their tax evaluations — providing an evergrowing tax break. This reverse dynamic is just one component that facilitates the ever-widening wealth gap between White and Blacks.

It is clear that race and neighborhood are the most powerful forces behind the property tax gap between Blacks and Whites; others have been identified. Specifically, the appeals process for tax assessments illustrates how the tax system functions to penalize Black wealth, even has it appears to be neutral on the surface.

In reviewing 3.4 million property tax appeals, it was learned that Black homeowners were significantly less likely to appeal their tax assessments, and when they did, they were less likely than Whites to win. Even when they won, they were awarded considerably smaller assessment reductions.

For those wondering why so few Blacks appeal their property tax assessments if they know they are excessive, it should be noted that it has been common practice for Blacks to avoid processes in which they have been disenfranchised.

It is imperative to develop a highly lucid perspicacity of this practice. It is often used to drive Blacks out of their communities to facilitate gentrification — just one form of serial forced displacement.

It is even more disheartening when you learn that the greatest tax gaps were levied against low wage earners. However, even the highest-earning Blacks in the country still pay more than affluent White families who live nearby.

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Serial Forced Displacement of Blacks and the Negative Repercussions

Over the past 20 plus years I have invested a great deal of time and effort into understanding the plight of African Americans, with the intent on devising a comprehensive strategy that can be implemented and carried out first, on a national level, and then globally. One of the issues that I identified early on is the fact that there were some exceptional minds that had invested a great deal of energy and effort into coming up with solutions to specific issues within the black collective: however, rarely were these great minds working in unison with one another, which is actually a reflection of one of many pathologies that negatively impact the black collective.

Once I discovered this dynamic of fragmented strategic data, it became my goal to study and evaluate the information, assess the existing strategies and to develop a comprehensive program that takes all of the strategies and presents them in a coherent manner — allowing for easy cohesive implementation. I am currently in the second phase of a four-phase five-year research project that focuses on the psychological, socioeconomic and political components that heavily influence the mobility, or lack thereof, within the black collective. To say that we have our work cut out for us, would be a gross understatement.

As I currently work on The Black Community Empowerment Blueprint 1.0, and other active projects, I am often compelled to share specific details concerning a certain issue that is of immense relevance in the attempts of blacks to rise up and become an autonomous nation within a nation.

Today, I would like to share some of my concerns as they relate to what is known in political science and social science as serial forced displacement — an act that has been accomplished through a number of distinct modalities over the last 100 years.

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Regardless of what modality that has been used, serial forced displacement is defined as the repetitive, coercive upheaval of groups (Fullilove & Wallace, 2011). When mentioned here, serial forced displacement is specifically focused on Government sanctioned methodologies and tactics that are underwritten by federal, state and local legislation that allows the wealthy to aggressively, and even hostilely encroach upon the rights and property ownership of the impoverished citizens of this country, with the vast majority of these citizens being people of color.

What I am proposing here, based on a preponderance of the evidence that is currently available, is that serial forced displacement creates a complex dynamic that produces interpersonal and structural violence within the social structure of those who are being displaced. The empirical evidence that is available to support this is statistically significant, meaning that the impact is so great that it cannot be considered a coincidence. Additionally, serial forced displacement also results in an inability of the affected group to efficaciously respond or react in a timely manner to either, threat or opportunity — facilitating a cyclical fragmentation as a result of the first two issues.

What must be understood here is the primary motive behind serial forced displacement. While it might be convenient to postulate that this is solely about the opportunity to profit from the weaknesses and ignorance of the less fortunate — it is necessary to consider a more nefarious idea — planned shrinkage & benign neglect as a form of population control. Planned shrinkage is a controversial policy in which the government looks to shrink and manage the size of large cities based on the premise of a hypothesis by Daniel Patrick Moynihan, a man who once championed underwriting the Black economy by creating jobs specifically for Black men, in lieu of social programs, such as welfare, food stamps and Medicaid (Wallace, 2011). Moynihan had developed an ideology that suggested that larger cities were the cause of the development of certain social pathologies, and reducing the size of cities would reduce the occurrence of these perceived pathologies. Another part of this process was known as benign neglect, which is when a city’s services are purposely withdrawn from certain neighborhoods that are considered to be blighted.

One way that benign neglect was carried out was by using block grants to shift financial resources from the inner city to the suburbs — subsequently dismantling existing Model Cities programs, as well as violating the civil rights act and the civil liberties of organizations and individuals.

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Serial Forced Displacement of Blacks

When examining the history of serial forced displacement, and its relentless aggression towards African Americans, displacing and diluting poor African Americans, it becomes apparent that it is necessary to investigate, in great depth, the manner in which this malevolent practice has impacted the physical health, mental health and social mobility of African Americans since this practice started decades ago.

The term serial refers to a series of either policies and/or occurrences, and this particular instance, serial forced displacement refers to a series of policies and the perpetuation of a series of occurrences in which blacks have been displaced through some form of coercion. Some of the policies that had a direct impact on the displacement of black families in the inner city include redlining, urban renewal, gentrification, segregation, planned shrinkage, mass criminalization, deindustrialization (Something that completely decimated the inner city neighborhoods in Detroit, MI), catastrophic disinvestment and more (Fullilove & Wallace, 2011).

Other processes that have worked against blacks in this strategic move to displace and disorganize the black populace include the crack epidemic of the 1980s and the over-criminalization of behaviors that are considered to be highly appropriated into the black culture. We have actually seen disaster be used as a method of forced displacement, with the most prevalent example of this being New Orleans and the government’s handling of the Hurricane Katrina catastrophe, which displaced hundreds of thousands of blacks. While the city is rebuilding and its economy has definitely rebounded, blacks were not included in the rebuilding equation. A city that has always had a dominant African American representation no longer does. Currently, the water crisis in Flint, MI is simply another instance in which a disaster, although man-made, will likely end up displacing and an exorbitant amount of African Americans.

While I use Redlining, Urban Renewal, and Gentrification synonymously in most of my prose, it is necessary to illuminate the fact that while these different mechanisms accomplished the same goal, the instruments that make them possible are distinctly different — representing different eras. Basically, when one form of forced displacement would be outlawed through constitutional amendment of statutory evolution, another method would be created to replace it.

Redlining was a mechanism that was instituted by the U.S. Government, through the Home Owners Loan Corporation in 1937. This was an act that was intended to discourage lending in what was considered risky neighborhoods, resulting in people from certain neighborhoods being denied financing. These neighborhoods that were classified as risky were those with older buildings and black residents. To further elucidate the pernicious intent of this particular policy, the existence of even one black homeowner in a particular community would result in the worst possible rating, which also created a hostile environment in which whites would fight to keep blacks out of their community.

Urban renewal was another modality through which the government was able so successfully displace millions of African Americans. This policy was instituted by the federal Housing Act of 1949 — providing for the seizure of property, through the power of eminent domain, in areas that were deemed blighted. Once the property was seized, it was cleared of all structures and personal property and sold at a discounted price.

Gentrification is a subtler form of serial forced displacement in which investors buy up property in poor inner-city neighborhoods for pennies on the dollar, and then they build properties and businesses that drive up property values — placing poor families in a position in which they can no longer afford the property taxes on their homes. In many instances, poor black families have lost homes that they have owned for decades.

Gentrification is the practice of replacing lower-income families with more economically affluent residents, the rapidity and relentlessness of this particular practice have increased exponentially over the last 15 to 20 years. While the dominant society views gentrification as a normal and organic occurrence, it is anything but. The more affluent, predominantly white residents that push out the impoverished, predominantly black residents are not simply acquiring vacant property, they are forcibly creating those vacancies — revealing this practice for what it is authentically — hostile and forced displacement.

In addition to the consequence of creating a de facto internal refugee population, serial forced displacement also creates a number of significant health and behavioral characteristics that are inextricably connected to this dynamic, including interpersonal and structural violence, substance abuse, family disintegration, sexually transmitted diseases and more (DeGruy, 2009, Rothstein, 2014). To help us understand the dynamics and effects of social disintegration Alexander Leighton created what is known as the stage-state model of social disintegration, which was designed to effectively articulate what happens to communities that are negatively affected by a series of policies designed to forcibly displace them (Leighton, 1959).

Leighton presented two distinct polarities that were identified as integration and disintegration, with integration existing as an internal interconnection that was underwritten by mutual support. Conversely, disintegration was characterized by an individualistic paradigm that encouraged individualism and disunity. The stage-state model presented a hypothesis that proposed that disintegration was the result of a natural progression in which individualism resulted in a series of negative events that would ultimately lead to the collapse of the community creating changes in social results.

Beverly Watkins also contributed to the understanding of the nefarious effects of serial forced displacement in her study of Harlem (Watkins, 2000). The studies by Watson produced empirical data that confirmed that individuals that experienced serial forced displacement suffered from increasing levels of dysfunction after the occurrence of each negative event. The work conducted by Watson confirmed the predictions of Leighton — there were consistent occurrences of social organization decline, fragmented families and disease increased. In fact, violence emerged as a new behavioral language that had been adopted as a form of communication within the context of social engineering and manipulation. Basically, forced displacement resulted in increasing levels of dysfunction and violence.

In a significantly more complex dynamic, it was proven that planned shrinkage policies focused on withdrawing fire services from the impoverished South Bronx literally exacerbated the AIDS epidemic, expanding the area of infection from what was initially a small interconnection of intravenous drug users confined to the South Bronx to a phenomenon of interconnectivity of social networks that had become fragmented due to the forced displacement that would have otherwise remained distinct, meaning that forced displacement connected individuals who would not have otherwise came into contact with one another on a large scale — allowing the disease to spread beyond its original parameters of confinement (Wallace, A Synergism of Plagues, Planned Shrinkage, Contagious Housing Destruction, and Aids in the Bronx, 1988).

Additionally, there have been several studies that reveal that the de-industrialization of black neighborhoods and forced migration has contributed to the obesity epidemic (Wallace & Wallace, Gene Expression and Its Discontents: The Social Production of Chronic Disease, 2010)

Empirical data produced by Barker and colleagues suggest that all of these negative effects will persist across generations due to epigenetic influences (Barker, Forsein, Utela, Osmond, & Eriksson, 2001)

What the aforementioned findings and other studies suggest is that the negative effects associated with forced spatial and economic displacement will continue to be an issue that must be addressed over the coming decades if the black collective is to prosper despite them. The challenge is the fact that there is a proclivity to ignore these negative effects, or even to pretend that these conditions do not exist. Additionally, what must be resisted is the attempt to ameliorate these conditions though programs that perpetuate further displacement. What has to be understood is the fact that the poverty that created this vulnerability in the first place is the result of an imbalance in the power relationships between two specific groups, which is, in essence, the reverberation of a racist caste system that has remained consistently in place sense these relationships began between slaves and slave masters more than 400 years ago.

While this study does not determine whether the discrimination is explicit, it definitely identifies the line of active discrimination along the lines of race. This is just one area of human existence and we can find systemic mechanisms that enforce racist predeterminations. You find these racist predeterminations is all nine areas of human activity, which include economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, sex, and war.

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The Nine Major Areas of People Activity In the Known Universe (As Defined by Neely Fuller Jr.)

Nine (9) Major Areas of People Activity in the Known Universe

  1. Economics
  2. Education
  3. Entertainment
  4. Labor
  5. Law
  6. Politics
  7. Religion
  8. Sex
  9. War


  1. Area 1 = Economics, which means the correct distribution of, and/or balance between all animals, persons, places, plants, things, etc.  “Economics,” in the correct sense, is the sum-total of all of the thought, speech, and/or action used to produce maximum efficiency in revealing truth in a manner that promotes the establishment of justice and correctness in all areas of activity, including economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, sex, and war.

“Economics” also means using all things, thought, speech, and/or action, with maximum efficiency with the objective of eliminating Racism (White Supremacy).

“Economics” does not mean simply acquiring, saving, and /or spending money.  “Economics” is not a tool of money.  Money is a tool of “economics”.  “Economics” is the result of a person or persons speaking and acting effectively in the production of justice and correctness.  It is not simply how money is handled that determines “Economics”.  It is a matter of how everything is handled – and what ends.

In order for a person who is a victim of Racism (victim of White Supremacy) to practice “Economics”, that person must speak and act to produce justice and correctness in the sum total of everything that he or she says and /or does.  This includes the use of time, the consumption of food and drink, sexual intercourse and /or thoughts of sexual intercourse, the use of music, the manner and use of labor, etc.  For example, if listening to a particular “type” of sound “inspires” a person to think better while performing some function that helps to eliminate Racism (White Supremacy), then that type of sound becomes “music,” and that person, at that time, serves and “Economical” purpose.  The same is true for any other thing and /or function pertaining to a person in any of his or her day-to-day activities.

As regards action against Racism (White Supremacy), “Economic Correctness” is not determined by any one or more things that a victim of Racism (non-white person) does, and /or doesn’t do, but by the sum total of everything that that victim does, and /or doesn’t do, in terms of effective results against Racism.

  • Area 2 = Education, which means the process of learning all things about all things, and /or the process of learning all things about one thing.

[Note:  Of all is known about one thing, then all is known about all things, because all things are interrelated].

  • Area 3 = Entertainment, which means any activity that is desired and/ or enjoyed, including that which is just and/or unjust, and that which is correct and/or incorrect.
  • Area 4 = Labor, which means any act of using energy to accomplish an objective.
  • Area 5 = Law, which means anything that is done.
  • Area 6 = Politics, which means people relations, and/or any relations between people, ant any time, in any place, in any area of activity.
  • Area 7 = Religion, which means the sum total of everything that a person thinks, plus everything that he or she says, plus everything that he or she does.

A “Religion” includes all parts of a person’s existence, each and every minute of each and every day – even if those parts are never put into “words”, they are still a “part’ of a person’s religion if that person willfully and deliberately speaks and acts according to those parts.   Religion is not separate from existence, nor separate from any “part” of existence.

Anything that a person says or does, that is willful and deliberate, is a part of that person’s “Religion”.

  • Area 8 = Sex, which means any socio-material interrelationship between male and female.
  • Area 9 = War, which means any will and deliberate unjust speech and / or action that is used effectively against any creature.

[Note:  All of the nine major areas of “people” activity are interrelated].

What happens in one area of activity affects all other areas of activity.  What a person does in the area of “Economics” affects what that person does in the area of “Religion” – or “Sex” or “War”, etc.

The Racist (White Supremacists), by dominating their victims [Non-White people] in one area of major activity, also at the same time dominate them in all areas of major activity.

Tracy, B. P. (2019). Social Capital and Underrepresented Minority Graduate Students at the University of Washington School of Marine and Environmental Affairs. University of Washington School of Marine and Environmental Affairs.

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